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Excerpt

Excerpt from A Footnote to History: Eight Years of Trouble in Samoa, by Robert Louis Stevenson

CHAPTER I--THE ELEMENTS OF DISCORD: NATIVE

The story I have to tell is still going on as I write; the characters are
alive and active; it is a piece of contemporary history in the most exact
sense. And yet, for all its actuality and the part played in it by mails
and telegraphs and iron war-ships, the ideas and the manners of the
native actors date back before the Roman Empire. They are Christians,
church-goers, singers of hymns at family worship, hardy cricketers; their
books are printed in London by Spottiswoode, Trubner, or the Tract
Society; but in most other points they are the contemporaries of our
tattooed ancestors who drove their chariots on the wrong side of the
Roman wall. We have passed the feudal system; they are not yet clear of
the patriarchal. We are in the thick of the age of finance; they are in
a period of communism. And this makes them hard to understand.

To us, with our feudal ideas, Samoa has the first appearance of a land of
despotism. An elaborate courtliness marks the race alone among
Polynesians; terms of ceremony fly thick as oaths on board a ship;
commoners my-lord each other when they meet--and urchins as they play
marbles. And for the real noble a whole private dialect is set apart.
The common names for an axe, for blood, for bamboo, a bamboo knife, a
pig, food, entrails, and an oven are taboo in his presence, as the common
names for a bug and for many offices and members of the body are taboo in
the drawing-rooms of English ladies. Special words are set apart for his
leg, his face, his hair, his belly, his eyelids, his son, his daughter,
his wife, his wife's pregnancy, his wife's adultery, adultery with his
wife, his dwelling, his spear, his comb, his sleep, his dreams, his
anger, the mutual anger of several chiefs, his food, his pleasure in
eating, the food and eating of his pigeons, his ulcers, his cough, his
sickness, his recovery, his death, his being carried on a bier, the
exhumation of his bones, and his skull after death. To address these
demigods is quite a branch of knowledge, and he who goes to visit a high
chief does well to make sure of the competence of his interpreter. To
complete the picture, the same word signifies the watching of a virgin
and the warding of a chief; and the same word means to cherish a chief
and to fondle a favourite child.


Explanation

Robert Louis Stevenson’s A Footnote to History: Eight Years of Trouble in Samoa (1892) is a nonfiction account of the political turmoil in Samoa during the late 19th century, a period marked by colonial interference (primarily from Germany, Britain, and the U.S.) and internal Samoan power struggles. Stevenson, best known as the author of Treasure Island and Strange Case of Dr. Jekyll and Mr. Hyde, lived in Samoa from 1889 until his death in 1894 and became deeply involved in local affairs. This excerpt, from the first chapter, introduces the cultural and social complexities of Samoa, framing the conflicts that follow. Below is a detailed breakdown of the passage, focusing on its content, themes, literary devices, and significance.


Context and Purpose

Stevenson writes as both an outsider and an engaged observer, attempting to bridge the gap between Western readers and Samoan society. The chapter title—"The Elements of Discord: Native"—suggests that the roots of Samoa’s instability lie in its indigenous structures, which clash with colonial expectations. The excerpt emphasizes the cultural dissonance between Samoa and the West, setting the stage for the political conflicts that unfold later in the book.

Stevenson’s perspective is shaped by:

  1. Colonial condescension: While he admires aspects of Samoan culture, his language often frames it as "primitive" or "backward" (e.g., comparing Samoans to "tattooed ancestors" who predate Rome). This reflects 19th-century European attitudes toward non-Western societies.
  2. Anthropological curiosity: He documents Samoan customs with a mix of fascination and bewilderment, highlighting the exoticism of the culture for his audience.
  3. Political urgency: The book was written to influence public opinion in favor of Samoan sovereignty, as Stevenson opposed German colonial aggression. Thus, his portrayal of Samoan society serves a rhetorical purpose—both to explain and to defend it.

Key Themes in the Excerpt

  1. Cultural Temporal Displacement

    • Stevenson presents Samoa as a society out of sync with the modern world. While Samoans adopt superficial trappings of Western civilization (Christianity, cricket, printed books), their social structures remain rooted in ancient traditions.
    • The contrast is stark: "We have passed the feudal system; they are not yet clear of the patriarchal. We are in the thick of the age of finance; they are in a period of communism."
      • "Patriarchal" suggests a kinship-based hierarchy where authority is vested in male elders.
      • "Communism" here refers to traditional communal land ownership, not Marxist ideology. Stevenson implies that Samoa’s economic system is collective, unlike the individualistic capitalism of the West.
    • This temporal disconnect makes Samoans "hard to understand" for Westerners, foreshadowing the misunderstandings that fuel colonial conflicts.
  2. Hierarchy and Taboo

    • Stevenson describes Samoa as a "land of despotism" masked by elaborate courtesy. The taboo system (tapu in Polynesian cultures) governs language and behavior, reinforcing social stratification.
    • The special dialect for chiefs is a literary device to illustrate the sacredness of rank. For example:
      • Common words for objects (axe, pig, food) are forbidden in a chief’s presence, replaced with euphemisms.
      • Even bodily functions and family relations are linguistically sanitized (e.g., "his wife's adultery" has a taboo term).
    • This system reflects a theocratic-patriarchal order where chiefs are quasi-divine ("demigods"), their bodies and actions imbued with spiritual significance.
  3. Language as Power

    • The passage underscores how language enforces hierarchy. The shared word for "watching a virgin" and "warding a chief" suggests that both are sacred duties, linking female purity to political authority.
    • The dual meaning of "to cherish a chief" and "to fondle a child" implies that obedience to leaders is naturalized as familial devotion.
    • Stevenson’s hyperbolic listing of taboo terms (from "his eyelids" to "his skull after death") emphasizes the totalizing control of the chief’s persona over daily life.
  4. Colonial Misunderstanding

    • The excerpt critiques Western assumptions about governance. What appears as "despotism" to outsiders is, in reality, a complex system of reciprocal obligations (though Stevenson doesn’t fully explore this).
    • The irony lies in the West’s inability to comprehend a society that is simultaneously communal (in economics) and rigidly hierarchical (in social relations). This misunderstanding will later justify colonial intervention.

Literary Devices

  1. Juxtaposition

    • Stevenson contrasts modernity and tradition:
      • "Christians, church-goers, singers of hymns" vs. "contemporaries of our tattooed ancestors."
      • "Books printed in London" vs. "taboo words for a chief’s ulcer."
    • This highlights the hybridity of Samoan culture and the tensions between adopted and indigenous practices.
  2. Cataloging (Accumulation)

    • The long list of taboo subjects (from "his leg" to "his skull after death") creates a sense of overwhelming ritual complexity, reinforcing the alienness of Samoan customs to a Western audience.
    • The parallel structure (e.g., "the food and eating of his pigeons") mimics the systematic nature of the taboo system.
  3. Metaphor and Simile

    • "Terms of ceremony fly thick as oaths on board a ship": Compares Samoan politeness to the rough, habitual swearing of sailors—an ironic contrast that underscores how ingrained courtesy is in Samoa.
    • "Demigods": Mythologizes chiefs, aligning them with divine figures from Greek or Polynesian lore.
  4. Irony

    • The surface politeness ("commoners my-lord each other") masks a deeply stratified society.
    • The adoption of Western trappings (hymns, cricket) doesn’t erase traditional power structures, creating a cultural paradox.
  5. Ethnographic Detachment

    • Stevenson’s clinical tone (e.g., "his wife's adultery, adultery with his wife") treats Samoan customs as specimens for study, reflecting the colonial gaze. However, his detailed observation also humanizes the culture, countering stereotypes of "savagery."

Significance of the Passage

  1. Cultural Relativism vs. Colonial Bias

    • Stevenson attempts to explain Samoa on its own terms, but his language betrays colonial prejudices. For example:
      • Calling Samoans "contemporaries of our tattooed ancestors" implies they are primitive, despite their sophistication in governance and language.
      • The term "despotism" is loaded, suggesting tyranny rather than a different form of legitimacy.
    • Yet, by detailing the complexity of Samoan hierarchy, he challenges the notion that Western systems are inherently superior.
  2. Foreshadowing Political Conflict

    • The misalignment between Samoan and Western values (communism vs. finance, patriarchal vs. post-feudal) hints at the clashes to come. Colonial powers, expecting a "civilized" monarchy or republic, will misread Samoan politics, leading to interference.
    • The taboo system symbolizes the invisibility of Samoan sovereignty to outsiders—just as certain words cannot be spoken, certain aspects of Samoan autonomy will be ignored or suppressed.
  3. Stevenson’s Role as Mediator

    • As a Scottish writer in Samoa, Stevenson occupies a liminal space. His account is both sympathetic (he lived among Samoans and supported their cause) and exoticizing (he frames them as "other").
    • The passage reflects his struggle to reconcile his admiration for Samoan culture with the colonial frameworks of his time.
  4. Literary Innovation

    • Unlike typical 19th-century travelogues, Stevenson blends anthropology, history, and personal observation. His vivid, almost novelistic prose (e.g., the rhythmic listing of taboos) makes the text engaging while serving a political purpose.
    • The excerpt exemplifies Victorian ethnographic writing, where non-Western cultures are documented with a mix of scientific detachment and moral judgment.

Critical Perspectives

  • Postcolonial Reading: Modern critics might argue that Stevenson, despite his good intentions, essentializes Samoan culture, presenting it as static and exotic. His comparison to "tattooed ancestors" risks romanticizing or freezing Samoa in a pre-modern past.
  • Anthropological Value: The passage remains a valuable historical record of late 19th-century Samoa, capturing details of language, taboo, and social structure that might otherwise be lost.
  • Political Subtext: Stevenson’s portrayal of Samoa as incomprehensible to Westerners subtly critiques colonial arrogance. The failure to understand Samoan customs becomes a metaphor for the failure of colonial policy.

Conclusion: The Excerpt’s Core Message

Stevenson’s passage argues that Samoa’s "discord" stems from a cultural and temporal gap between its indigenous systems and the modern colonial world. The elaborate hierarchies, taboos, and communal values that structure Samoan life are invisible or incomprehensible to Western powers, leading to misjudgments and conflicts. While his language occasionally slips into colonial condescension, his detailed observation serves a humanizing purpose—urging readers to recognize Samoa’s complexity before imposing foreign rule.

The excerpt thus functions as both a cultural primer and a warning: the clashes in Samoa are not just about land or power, but about fundamentally different ways of organizing society. Stevenson, caught between two worlds, uses his literary skill to translate Samoa for his audience, even as he reveals the limits of that translation.


Questions

Question 1

The passage’s description of Samoan taboo language serves primarily to:

A. illustrate the arbitrary nature of linguistic evolution in isolated societies.
B. expose the depth of social stratification embedded within seemingly mundane interactions.
C. critique the inefficiency of oral traditions in preserving cultural knowledge.
D. highlight the superficial adoption of Western religious terminology by non-Western cultures.
E. demonstrate the universality of euphemism as a mechanism for avoiding direct reference to power.

Question 2

Stevenson’s assertion that Samoans are “hard to understand” is most fundamentally rooted in:

A. the deliberate obscurity of their religious rituals, which resist outsider interpretation.
B. the coexistence of pre-modern social structures with superficial markers of Western modernity.
C. the inherent irrationality of taboo systems, which defy logical categorization.
D. the lack of written records to contextualize their oral traditions for foreign observers.
E. the strategic ambiguity of their political rhetoric, designed to mislead colonial powers.

Question 3

The phrase “the same word signifies the watching of a virgin and the warding of a chief” primarily functions to:

A. reveal the subjugation of women within a patriarchal system by equating female purity with male authority.
B. emphasize the linguistic poverty of Samoan dialects, which lack distinct terms for disparate concepts.
C. suggest that the sacredness of chieftainship and female virtue are ideologically intertwined.
D. critique the hypocrisy of a society that polices female sexuality while ignoring male transgressions.
E. illustrate the arbitrary nature of semantic associations in non-Western languages.

Question 4

Which of the following best describes the relationship between Stevenson’s tone and his subject matter in this passage?

A. Detached irony, undermining the legitimacy of Samoan customs through subtle mockery.
B. Ambivalent fascination, blending ethnographic precision with implicit colonial assumptions.
C. Uncritical admiration, presenting Samoan society as a superior alternative to Western individualism.
D. Moral outrage, condemning the oppressive nature of taboo systems on personal freedoms.
E. Nostalgic romanticism, idealizing pre-colonial Samoa as a lost paradise of communal harmony.

Question 5

The passage’s extended catalog of taboo terms (e.g., “his eyelids,” “his ulcers,” “his skull after death”) is structurally analogous to:

A. a legal code, systematically enumerating prohibitions to regulate social behavior.
B. a scientific taxonomy, classifying cultural practices with objective detachment.
C. a liturgical chant, invoking the sacred through repetitive and cumulative enumeration.
D. a satirical inventory, exaggerating cultural quirks to highlight their absurdity.
E. a genealogical record, tracing the lineage of a chief’s authority through bodily metaphors.

Solutions and Explanations

1) Correct answer: B

Why B is most correct: The taboo language system is not merely a linguistic curiosity but a mechanism for reinforcing hierarchical distinctions. The passage emphasizes how even common objects and bodily functions require specialized terminology in the presence of chiefs, illustrating that social rank permeates every interaction. This aligns with Stevenson’s broader claim that Samoa’s “despotism” is masked by elaborate courtesy—meaning the taboos are not arbitrary but structurally tied to power.

Why the distractors are less supported:

  • A: The passage does not suggest linguistic evolution is arbitrary; the taboos are systematic and purposeful.
  • C: Stevenson does not critique oral traditions; he highlights their complexity and rigidity.
  • D: While Western religious terms are mentioned (hymns, church-goers), the focus is on indigenous linguistic structures, not superficial adoption.
  • E: The passage does not argue for universality; it emphasizes the cultural specificity of Samoan taboos.

2) Correct answer: B

Why B is most correct: Stevenson explicitly contrasts Samoan patriarchal-communal structures with Western post-feudal, financial systems. The “hard to understand” remark stems from this temporal and ideological disconnect—Samoans adopt surface-level modernity (Christianity, printed books) while retaining ancient social organizations. This duality is the core of the misunderstanding.

Why the distractors are less supported:

  • A: The passage does not focus on deliberate obscurity in rituals; the issue is structural, not intentional concealment.
  • C: Stevenson does not dismiss taboos as irrational; he presents them as coherent but alien.
  • D: The problem is not a lack of written records—Stevenson notes their books are printed in London—but a cultural frame mismatch.
  • E: There is no evidence of strategic ambiguity in political rhetoric; the confusion is organic, not tactical.

3) Correct answer: C

Why C is most correct: The shared term for "watching a virgin" and "warding a chief" suggests that both acts are sacred duties, linking female purity to political protection. This implies an ideological connection where the sanctity of the chief’s person is paralleled with the sanctity of female virtue, reinforcing the theocratic-patriarchal order.

Why the distractors are less supported:

  • A: While the passage acknowledges patriarchy, the focus here is on ideological linkage, not subjugation per se.
  • B: The passage does not suggest linguistic poverty; the taboo system is highly elaborate.
  • D: Stevenson does not critique hypocrisy in policing sexuality; he describes the system without moral judgment.
  • E: The association is not arbitrary—it reflects a cultural logic of sacredness.

4) Correct answer: B

Why B is most correct: Stevenson’s tone is neither purely admiring nor condemnatory but ambivalent. He documents Samoan customs with precision (ethnographic detail) while framing them as "primitive" (colonial assumption). Phrases like "contemporaries of our tattooed ancestors" reveal a mix of fascination and condescension, typical of 19th-century ethnographic writing.

Why the distractors are less supported:

  • A: The tone is not mocking; Stevenson is genuinely engaged, even if his language betrays bias.
  • C: He does not present Samoa as superior; the comparison to "tattooed ancestors" implies backwardness.
  • D: There is no moral outrage; the taboos are described clinically.
  • E: The passage is not nostalgic; it emphasizes cultural conflict, not lost harmony.

5) Correct answer: C

Why C is most correct: The cumulative, rhythmic listing of taboo terms mirrors liturgical repetition, where the act of enumeration itself invokes sacredness. Like a chant, the list builds reverence for the chief’s person by cataloging every aspect of his existence (from life to death) as worthy of linguistic deference.

Why the distractors are less supported:

  • A: While taboos regulate behavior, the structure is incantatory, not legalistic.
  • B: The tone is not detached; the listing is performative, not classificatory.
  • D: The passage does not exaggerate for satire; Stevenson treats the customs as genuine and significant.
  • E: The focus is on sacredness, not genealogy; the terms extend beyond lineage (e.g., "his anger," "his dreams").