Article #609-1 | Gutenberg Articles

Excerpt

Excerpt from America, Through the Spectacles of an Oriental Diplomat, by Tingfang Wu

There is, however, another side to the picture; the Chinese students in
America, who may be roughly calculated by the thousands, and whose
number is annually increasing, have been taught democratic principles
of government. These could not but be detrimental to the welfare of
the late Manchu Government. They have read the history of how the
American people gained their independence, and naturally they have been
imbued with the idea of inaugurating a similar policy in China.
Chinese merchants, traders, and others who have been residing in
America, seeing the free and independent manner in which the American
people carry on their government, learned, of course, a similar lesson.
These people have been an important factor in the recent overthrow of
the Manchu dynasty. Added to this, the fact that America has afforded
a safe refuge for political offenders was another cause of
dissatisfaction to the Manchus. Thus it will be seen that the Manchu
Government, from their point of view, have had many reasons for
entertaining unfavorable sentiments toward America.

This view I need hardly say is not shared by the large majority of
Chinese. Persons who have committed political offenses in their own
country find protection not only in America but in all countries in
Europe, Japan, and other civilized lands. It is an irony of fate that
since the establishment of the Chinese Republic, Manchu and other
officials under the old regime, now find secure asylums in Hongkong,
Japan, and Tsingtao, while hundreds of ex-Manchu officials have fled to
the foreign settlements of Shanghai, Tientsin, and other treaty ports,
so reluctantly granted by the late Manchu Government. Thus the edge of
their complaint against America's policy in harboring political
refugees has been turned against themselves, and the liberality against
which they protested has become their protection.

The more substantial cause for dissatisfaction with the United States
is, I grieve to say, her Chinese exclusion policy. As long as her
discriminating laws against the Chinese remain in force a blot must
remain on her otherwise good name, and her relations with China, though
cordial, cannot be perfect. It is beyond the scope of this chapter to
deal with this subject exhaustively, but in order to enable my readers
to understand the exact situation it is necessary to supply a short
historical summary. In 1868, on account of the pressing need of good
laborers for the construction of railways and other public works in
America, the Governments of China and the United States, concluded a
treaty which provided that "Chinese subjects visiting or residing in
the United States shall enjoy the same privileges, immunities, and
exemptions in respect to travel or residence as may be enjoyed by the
citizens or subjects of the most favored nation." It was a treaty
negotiated by that great American statesman, Secretary Seward, and
announced by the President of the United States to Congress as a
"liberal and auspicious treaty". It was welcomed by the United States
as a great advance in their international relations. It had also the
double significance of having been negotiated by a Chinese special
embassy, of which a distinguished American diplomat, Mr. Anson
Burlingame, who was familiar with the wishes and interests of the
American people, was the head.

Explanation

**Detailed Explanation of the Excerpt from America, Through the Spectacles of an Oriental Diplomat by Tingfang Wu**

Context of the Source

Tingfang Wu (1842–1922) was a Chinese diplomat, scholar, and reformer who served as China’s minister to the United States (1896–1902) and later as a judge at the Permanent Court of Arbitration in The Hague. His book, America, Through the Spectacles of an Oriental Diplomat (1914), offers a Chinese perspective on American society, politics, and foreign relations during a period of significant upheaval in China—the fall of the Qing (Manchu) Dynasty (1911) and the establishment of the Republic of China (1912).

This excerpt reflects on:

The influence of American democratic ideals on Chinese reformers and revolutionaries (particularly students and merchants).
The Manchu government’s hostility toward America for harboring Chinese dissidents and promoting ideas that undermined imperial rule.
The irony of the Manchu officials later seeking refuge in foreign territories (including those they once resented).
The deeper grievance: U.S. Chinese Exclusion laws, which Wu criticizes as hypocritical given America’s professed liberal values.

Themes in the Excerpt

1. The Spread of Democratic Ideals and Revolutionary Influence

Wu argues that Chinese students and merchants in America absorbed democratic principles, which directly contributed to the overthrow of the Manchu Dynasty (1911). Key observations:

Education as a Catalyst for Revolution: Chinese students in America (numbering in the thousands) studied U.S. history, particularly the American Revolution, and saw it as a model for China’s own struggle against monarchy.
Merchants and Traders as Agents of Change: Those who observed American governance firsthand returned to China with liberal and anti-monarchical sentiments, further destabilizing Qing rule.
America as a Safe Haven for Dissidents: The U.S. provided asylum for Chinese political exiles, which the Manchu government resented as foreign interference.

Wu’s tone here is analytical but approving—he acknowledges that American ideals played a role in China’s modernization, even if the Manchu rulers saw it as a threat.

2. The Irony of Historical Reversals

Wu highlights a poetic justice in how former Manchu officials, who once opposed foreign influence, now fled to foreign-controlled territories (Hong Kong, Shanghai, Tientsin) after the Republic’s establishment.

"The edge of their complaint... has been turned against themselves": The Manchu government had protested America’s sheltering of Chinese revolutionaries, yet now Manchu loyalists sought refuge in foreign enclaves—some of which (like Hong Kong) were under British rule, a power the Qing had long resisted.
Treaty Ports as Irony: These ports (e.g., Shanghai, Tientsin) were ceded under unequal treaties forced on China by Western powers (including the U.S.). Now, the very officials who had granted these concessions were dependent on them for survival.

This section employs dramatic irony—the Manchu government’s policies backfired, and their descendants became the very kind of "refugees" they once despised.

3. The Hypocrisy of U.S. Chinese Exclusion Laws

Wu shifts to a more critical tone when discussing American racism and exclusionary immigration policies.

The 1868 Burlingame-Seward Treaty: Initially, the U.S. welcomed Chinese laborers (for railroads, mining, etc.) under a treaty granting them "most favored nation" status—equal treatment with other foreigners. Wu emphasizes that this was celebrated as a "liberal and auspicious" agreement, negotiated by Anson Burlingame (a former U.S. diplomat who later represented China).
Betrayal of the Treaty: Despite this promise, the U.S. later enacted the Chinese Exclusion Act (1882), banning Chinese laborers and restricting immigration—a direct violation of the treaty’s spirit.
Moral Contradiction: Wu argues that while America preaches democracy and liberty, its racist exclusion laws undermine its credibility. He calls this a "blot on her otherwise good name", suggesting that U.S.-China relations cannot be truly harmonious until this injustice is addressed.

This critique reflects postcolonial and anti-imperialist sentiments—Wu exposes the gap between American ideals and actions, a common theme in non-Western perspectives on Western powers.

Literary Devices & Rhetorical Strategies

Irony (Situational & Dramatic)
- The Manchu government’s opposition to foreign asylum is undermined when its own officials seek foreign asylum.
- America’s self-proclaimed liberalism contrasts with its exclusionary policies.
Parallelism & Juxtaposition
- Wu contrasts:
  - Chinese students learning democracy vs. Manchu officials fleeing democracy.
  - America’s welcoming of Chinese labor (1868) vs. its later exclusion (1882).
Appeal to Historical Authority
- Cites Secretary Seward and Anson Burlingame to lend credibility to his argument about the broken promises of the 1868 treaty.
Understatement & Restrained Criticism
- Instead of outright condemnation, Wu uses phrases like:
  - "I grieve to say" (about exclusion laws) → softens the critique while making it more potent.
  - "A blot must remain on her otherwise good name" → implies moral failure without overt hostility.
Sarcasm (Subtle)
- "It is an irony of fate" → Suggests that the Manchu officials’ downfall was self-inflicted and deserved.

Significance of the Excerpt

Chinese Perspective on American Influence
- Wu presents a nuanced view: America’s democratic ideals helped modernize China, but its racist policies created lasting resentment.
- This reflects the ambivalence many non-Western intellectuals felt toward the West—admiring its progress while condemning its hypocrisy.
Postcolonial Critique of Western Hypocrisy
- The excerpt exposes the contradiction between America’s rhetoric of freedom and its practice of exclusion.
- Similar critiques appear in works by W.E.B. Du Bois (on American racism) and Frantz Fanon (on colonialism)—Wu’s argument fits into a broader anti-imperialist discourse.
Historical Insight into the Fall of the Qing Dynasty
- Wu provides a firsthand diplomatic perspective on how foreign ideas and exiles contributed to the 1911 Revolution.
- His observation that Chinese students and merchants were radicalized abroad aligns with historical accounts of Sun Yat-sen’s revolutionary networks (many of which were based in the U.S. and Japan).
Relevance to Modern U.S.-China Relations
- The tension between cooperation and mistrust that Wu describes persists today.
- Issues like human rights, trade disputes, and ideological clashes echo the historical grievances Wu outlines.

Conclusion: Wu’s Central Argument

Wu’s excerpt serves as a diplomatic but pointed critique of America’s dual role in China’s modern history:

As a beacon of democracy that inspired Chinese reformers.
As a hypocritical power that excluded Chinese immigrants while claiming to uphold liberty.

His ironic, historically grounded narrative forces readers to confront the complexities of cultural exchange and imperialism—where ideals and actions often clash. The passage remains relevant as a early 20th-century Chinese voice challenging Western narratives of progress and morality.

Questions

Question 1

The passage’s discussion of the Manchu government’s grievances against America is primarily structured to achieve which of the following rhetorical effects?

A. To absolve the Manchu government of responsibility for its own downfall by attributing it to foreign interference.
B. To present a neutral historical account of diplomatic tensions, avoiding any implicit moral judgment.
C. To underscore the inevitability of revolutionary change by framing it as an organic response to oppressive rule.
D. To expose the hypocrisy of the Manchu government by juxtaposing its past complaints with its later reliance on foreign asylum.
E. To argue that American democratic ideals were fundamentally incompatible with Confucian governance traditions.

Question 2

The author’s reference to the Burlingame-Seward Treaty (1868) serves chiefly to:

A. Demonstrate that Chinese laborers were initially welcomed in America due to their economic utility rather than any principled commitment to equality.
B. Highlight the strategic foresight of Chinese diplomats in negotiating favorable terms with Western powers.
C. Contrast the treaty’s progressive language with the later exclusion laws to illustrate America’s shifting labor needs.
D. Suggest that the treaty’s failure was primarily due to the Chinese government’s inability to enforce its provisions.
E. Emphasize the moral inconsistency between America’s professed liberal values and its subsequent discriminatory policies.

Question 3

Which of the following best describes the author’s tone when discussing the Chinese Exclusion Act?

A. Resigned indignation, tempered by a diplomatic restraint that avoids overt accusation.
B. Unambiguous condemnation, employing sarcasm to underscore American hypocrisy.
C. Detached historical analysis, focusing solely on the Act’s economic consequences.
D. Reluctant admiration for the Act’s effectiveness in protecting American labor markets.
E. Optimistic pragmatism, suggesting the Act was a temporary setback in otherwise improving relations.

Question 4

The phrase "the edge of their complaint against America's policy... has been turned against themselves" (Paragraph 2) primarily relies on which literary device?

A. Irony, as the Manchu government’s objections to foreign asylum are undermined by their own later dependence on it.
B. Metaphor, comparing the Manchu government’s grievances to a physical weapon that has been redirected.
C. Hyperbole, exaggerating the severity of the Manchu government’s hypocrisy for rhetorical effect.
D. Allusion, invoking a well-known historical precedent to illustrate the reversals of fortune.
E. Parallelism, drawing a structural analogy between the Manchu government’s actions and those of other imperial powers.

Question 5

The passage as a whole is best characterized as an example of:

A. A polemical diatribe against Western imperialism, employing emotional appeals to rally nationalist sentiment.
B. A dispassionate diplomatic report, prioritizing factual accuracy over persuasive rhetoric.
C. A postcolonial critique, focusing exclusively on the economic exploitation underlying cultural exchange.
D. A comparative political analysis, evaluating the relative merits of monarchical and republican systems.
E. A nuanced transnational perspective, balancing acknowledgment of positive influence with critique of hypocrisy.

Solutions and Explanations

1) Correct answer: D

Why D is most correct: The passage explicitly contrasts the Manchu government’s resentment of America for harboring Chinese dissidents with the later flight of Manchu officials to foreign-controlled territories (e.g., Hong Kong, Shanghai). This juxtaposition serves to highlight the hypocrisy of the Manchu government’s stance, as their own actions mirrored what they once condemned. The phrase "the edge of their complaint... has been turned against themselves" (Paragraph 2) reinforces this ironic reversal, making D the most defensible answer.