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Excerpt

Excerpt from Robert Louis Stevenson: A Record, an Estimate, and a Memorial, by Alexander H. Japp

From the whole business--since "free, gratis, for nothing," I offered him
as good advice as any lawyer in the three kingdoms could have done for
large payment, and since he never deemed it worth while, even to tell me
the results of his reference to Familiar Studies, I here and now say
deliberately that his conduct to me was scarcely so courteous and
grateful and graceful as it might have been. How different--very
different--the way in which the late R. L. Stevenson rewarded me for a
literary service no whit greater or more essentially valuable to him than
this service rendered to Lord Rosebery might have been to him.

This chapter would most probably not have been printed, had not Mr Coates
re-issued the inadequate and most misleading paragraph about Mr Stevenson
and style in his Lord Rosebery's Life and Speeches exactly as it was
before, thus perpetuating at once the error and the wrong, in spite of
all my trouble, warnings, and protests. It is a tragicomedy, if not a
farce altogether, considering who are the principal actors in it. And
let those who have copies of the queer prohibited book cherish them and
thank me; for that I do by this give a new interest and value to it as a
curiosity, law-inhibited, if not as high and conscientious
literature--which it is not.

I remember very well about the time Lord Rosebery spoke on Burns, and
Stevenson, and London, that certain London papers spoke of his
deliverances as indicating more knowledge--fuller and exacter
knowledge--of all these subjects than the greatest professed experts
possessed. That is their extravagant and most reckless way, especially
if the person spoken about is a "great politician" or a man of rank. They
think they are safe with such superlatives applied to a brilliant and
clever peer (with large estates and many interests), and an ex-Prime
Minister! But literature is a republic, and it must here be said, though
all unwillingly, that Lord Rosebery is but an amateur--a superficial
though a clever amateur after all, and their extravagances do not change
the fact. I declare him an amateur in Burns' literature and study
because of what I have said elsewhere, and there are many points to add
to that if need were. I have proved above from his own words that he was
crassly and unpardonably ignorant of some of the most important points in
R. L. Stevenson's development when he delivered that address in Edinburgh
on Stevenson--a thing very, very pardonable--seeing that he is run after
to do "speakings" of this sort; but to go on, in face of such warning and
protest, printing his most misleading errors is not pardonable, and the
legal recorded result is my justification and his condemnation, the more
surely that even that would not awaken him so far as to cause him to
restrain Mr Coates from reproducing in his Life and Speeches, just as
it was originally, that peccant passage. I am fully ready to prove also
that, though Chairman of the London County Council for a period, and
though he made a very clever address at one of Sir W. Besant's lectures,
there is much yet--very much--he might learn from Sir W. Besant's
writings on London. It isn't so easy to outshine all the experts--even
for a clever peer who has been Prime Minister, though it is very, very
easy to flatter Lord Rosebery, with a purpose or purposes, as did at
least once also with rarest tact, at Glasgow, indicating so many other
things and possibilities, a certain very courtly ex-Moderator of the
Church of Scotland.


Explanation

This excerpt from Robert Louis Stevenson: A Record, an Estimate, and a Memorial (1895) by Alexander H. Japp is a bitter, self-justifying tirade against Lord Rosebery (Archibald Primrose, 5th Earl of Rosebery, a prominent British statesman and former Prime Minister) and his publisher, Mr. Coates. The passage is steeped in personal grievance, professional rivalry, and class resentment, while also serving as a defense of Japp’s own literary reputation—particularly his expertise on Robert Louis Stevenson, whose work he championed.

Japp’s tone is sarcastic, indignant, and at times triumphant, as he accuses Rosebery of ingratitude, intellectual superficiality, and the perpetuation of errors despite Japp’s corrections. The excerpt is rich in rhetorical strategies, irony, and social commentary, making it a fascinating case study in Victorian literary feuds and the tensions between politics, class, and literary authority.


Context & Background

  1. Who is Alexander H. Japp?

    • A Scottish literary critic, editor, and biographer, best known for his work on Robert Louis Stevenson (whom he admired deeply) and Robert Burns.
    • He was a controversial figure, often involved in public disputes with other scholars and critics.
    • This book was written as a memorial to Stevenson (who died in 1894) but also as a settling of scores with those Japp felt had wronged him—particularly Rosebery.
  2. Who is Lord Rosebery?

    • A Liberal politician, former Prime Minister (1894–95), and literary dilettante who gave public lectures on Burns, Stevenson, and London.
    • His 1894 speech on Stevenson in Edinburgh (referenced here) contained errors about Stevenson’s life and work, which Japp had privately corrected—only for Rosebery to ignore his advice and republish the mistakes.
    • Rosebery was also Chairman of the London County Council and gave a speech on Walter Besant’s writings on London, which Japp dismisses as superficial.
  3. The Immediate Trigger

    • Japp had advised Rosebery on literary matters (including his Familiar Studies of Men & Books), but Rosebery never acknowledged his help.
    • When Rosebery’s publisher, Mr. Coates, reprinted the erroneous passage on Stevenson in Lord Rosebery’s Life and Speeches, Japp saw it as a deliberate slight—hence this public rebuke.

Themes in the Excerpt

  1. Ingratitude & Class Resentment

    • Japp contrasts his own unpaid, expert advice (which he claims was as good as any paid lawyer’s) with Rosebery’s lack of acknowledgment.
    • He compares Rosebery unfavorably to Stevenson, who did thank him for similar help—implying that true literary greatness is marked by gratitude, while political elites are arrogant.
    • The phrase "free, gratis, for nothing" is sarcastic, emphasizing that Japp expected recognition, not payment.
  2. Literary Authority vs. Political Prestige

    • Japp attacks the idea that political or aristocratic status (Rosebery was a peer and ex-PM) confers literary expertise.
    • He mocks the press for flattering Rosebery as a Burns/Stevenson/London expert, calling it "extravagant and reckless"—a media bias toward wealth and rank.
    • His declaration that "literature is a republic" is a democratic challenge to aristocratic pretensions in scholarship.
  3. The Perpetuation of Error & Legal Victory

    • Japp boasts that his protests led to a legal ruling (likely a copyright or libel case) that vindicated him—hence his triumphant tone ("my justification and his condemnation").
    • He scoffs at Rosebery’s refusal to correct the errors, calling the reprinted book a "queer prohibited book"—now more valuable as a "curiosity" because of the legal drama.
  4. Intellectual Superficiality

    • Japp dismisses Rosebery as an "amateur" in Burns and Stevenson studies, claiming he lacks deep knowledge.
    • He scoffs at Rosebery’s London lecture, saying he hasn’t truly studied Walter Besant’s work—implying that politicians dabble in literature without rigor.
  5. Flattery & Hypocrisy

    • Japp accuses the press and religious figures (like the "courtly ex-Moderator of the Church of Scotland") of flattering Rosebery for political reasons.
    • The phrase "it is very, very easy to flatter Lord Rosebery" suggests corruption in public discourse—where praise is transactional, not earned.

Literary & Rhetorical Devices

  1. Irony & Sarcasm

    • "How different—very different—the way in which the late R. L. Stevenson rewarded me..."Contrasts Stevenson’s gratitude with Rosebery’s rudeness, using repetition for emphasis.
    • "cherish them and thank me; for that I do by this give a new interest and value to it..."Mockingly suggests that his legal battle has made the book more collectible, not for its literary merit but as a "law-inhibited curiosity."
  2. Parallel Structure & Contrast

    • Japp juxtaposes his unpaid, expert advice with Rosebery’s paid, shallow speeches:
      • "I offered him as good advice as any lawyer in the three kingdoms could have done for large payment..."
      • "Lord Rosebery is but an amateur—a superficial though a clever amateur..."
  3. Hyperbole & Exaggeration

    • "a tragicomedy, if not a farce altogether"Dramatizes the absurdity of a former PM being exposed as a literary fraud.
    • "crassly and unpardonably ignorant"Strong language to undermine Rosebery’s credibility.
  4. Appeal to Authority (Ethos)

    • Japp positions himself as the true expert:
      • "I have proved above from his own words..."
      • "I am fully ready to prove also..."
    • He cites legal rulings to bolster his argument, presenting himself as vindicated by the law.
  5. Class-Based Resentment

    • "a brilliant and clever peer (with large estates and many interests), and an ex-Prime Minister!"Dripping with disdain, suggesting that Rosebery’s status shields him from criticism.
    • "literature is a republic"Democratic ideal vs. aristocratic privilege.
  6. Allusion & Name-Dropping

    • Robert Louis Stevenson (whom Japp reveres) is held up as the model of gratitude.
    • Walter Besant (a historian of London) is used to undermine Rosebery’s expertise.
    • The "ex-Moderator of the Church of Scotland" is an unnamed flatterer, adding mystery and intrigue.

Significance of the Passage

  1. A Window into Victorian Literary Feuds

    • This is a classic example of 19th-century literary rivalry, where personal grudges, class tensions, and professional jealousy played out in public writing.
    • Japp’s bitterness reflects the struggles of non-aristocratic intellectuals to be taken seriously in a hierarchical society.
  2. The Conflict Between Politics & Literature

    • Japp challenges the idea that political leaders (like Rosebery) automatically have literary authority.
    • His insistence that "literature is a republic" is a radical claim for the time, democratizing cultural criticism.
  3. The Power of Print & Legal Battles

    • The republication of errors despite Japp’s corrections shows how print culture could perpetuate misinformation.
    • His legal victory (implied) suggests that scholars could fight back against powerful figures—though often at great personal cost.
  4. Stevenson as a Moral Counterpoint

    • By contrasting Rosebery with Stevenson, Japp elevates the writer as a noble figuregrateful, humble, and deserving of respect—while politicians are exposed as frauds.
  5. The Role of the Press in Flattery

    • Japp’s critique of newspapers for uncritically praising Rosebery reflects modern concerns about media bias—where celebrity and power distort truth.

Conclusion: Why This Matters

This excerpt is more than just a personal vendetta—it’s a microcosm of larger 19th-century debates:

  • Who gets to be an authority on literature? (The expert or the aristocrat?)
  • How does class influence intellectual respect?
  • What is the relationship between politics and culture?
  • How do legal and media systems shape reputation?

Japp’s anger is palpable, but beneath it lies a serious argument: that true scholarship requires humility, rigor, and gratitude—qualities he accuses Rosebery of lacking. His rhetorical fireworks make this not just a complaint, but a manifesto for literary integrity in an age of celebrity and political power.

Would you like a deeper dive into any specific aspect—such as Japp’s relationship with Stevenson, the legal case, or the broader Victorian literary scene?


Questions

Question 1

The passage’s repeated emphasis on the phrase "free, gratis, for nothing" serves primarily to:

A. underscore Japp’s altruism in offering his expertise without expectation of reward.
B. highlight the economic disparity between Japp and Lord Rosebery.
C. suggest that Japp’s advice was of negligible value, given its lack of compensation.
D. imply that Rosebery’s failure to acknowledge the advice was a legal oversight rather than a personal slight.
E. expose the irony of Rosebery’s ingratitude toward unpaid intellectual labor while benefiting from aristocratic privilege.

Question 2

Japp’s assertion that "literature is a republic" functions rhetorically to:

A. challenge the assumption that aristocratic status confers literary authority.
B. advocate for a political system where literary critics hold public office.
C. argue that literary works should be judged solely by their commercial success.
D. suggest that Rosebery’s errors stem from his lack of formal literary training.
E. propose that literary criticism should be democratized through public voting.

Question 3

The tone of the phrase "a tragicomedy, if not a farce altogether" is best described as:

A. mockingly dismissive, framing the dispute as absurd given the participants’ stature.
B. genuinely sorrowful, lamenting the decline of serious literary discourse.
C. legally precise, alluding to the formal consequences of Rosebery’s actions.
D. self-deprecating, acknowledging Japp’s own role in escalating the conflict.
E. nostalgic, contrasting the present dispute with a more courteous past.

Question 4

Japp’s reference to "the queer prohibited book" is most likely intended to:

A. suggest that the book’s legal suppression was unjustified.
B. imply that the book’s value lies in its rarity rather than its content.
C. underscore the paradox of Rosebery’s errors being immortalized by censorship.
D. argue that the book’s prohibition was a deliberate act of literary sabotage.
E. propose that the book’s flaws make it a curiosity rather than a work of scholarship.

Question 5

The passage’s closing critique of the "courtly ex-Moderator of the Church of Scotland" primarily serves to:

A. introduce a new adversary in Japp’s literary feuds.
B. illustrate the widespread nature of flattery toward political figures.
C. contrast religious hypocrisy with Rosebery’s secular arrogance.
D. imply that Rosebery’s influence extends into ecclesiastical circles.
E. suggest that even religious leaders are complicit in literary misinformation.

Solutions and Explanations

1) Correct answer: E

Why E is most correct: The phrase "free, gratis, for nothing" is sarcastic, emphasizing that Japp provided expert advice without compensation—yet Rosebery, a privileged aristocrat, failed to even acknowledge it. The irony lies in the contrast between Japp’s unpaid labor and Rosebery’s entitled disregard, reinforcing the class resentment underlying the passage. The line is not about altruism (A) or economic disparity (B), but about exposing hypocrisy.

Why the distractors are less supported:

  • A: Japp is not portraying himself as selfless; his tone is bitter and expectant of recognition, not detached generosity.
  • B: While class is a factor, the phrase doesn’t focus on economic disparity but on ingratitude toward unpaid intellectual work.
  • C: The passage contradicts this—Japp claims his advice was as good as a paid lawyer’s, implying high value.
  • D: The issue is personal and moral, not legal; Japp never suggests Rosebery had a legal obligation to thank him.

2) Correct answer: A

Why A is most correct: The declaration that "literature is a republic" is a direct challenge to aristocratic pretensions. Japp argues that literary authority should derive from expertise, not social rank—a democratic ideal that undermines Rosebery’s claim to expertise by virtue of being a peer and ex-PM. This aligns with the passage’s broader critique of flattery and privilege.

Why the distractors are less supported:

  • B: Japp is not advocating for critics in government; he’s rejecting political interference in literature.
  • C: The passage opposes commercialism—Japp’s grievance is about intellectual integrity, not sales.
  • D: While Rosebery’s lack of training is implied, the phrase is broader—a structural critique of elitism, not just one man’s flaws.
  • E: Japp doesn’t propose voting systems; the "republic" metaphor is about meritocracy, not democracy.

3) Correct answer: A

Why A is most correct: The phrase "tragicomedy, if not a farce" is dripping with sarcasm. Japp frames the dispute as absurd because it involves a former Prime Minister—a figure of supposed gravitas—being exposed as literarily incompetent. The tone is mocking, not sorrowful (B) or legalistic (C), and certainly not self-deprecating (D).

Why the distractors are less supported:

  • B: Japp is angry and scornful, not lamenting a decline; his tone is aggressive, not elegiac.
  • C: The phrase is rhetorical, not legal—it’s about theatrical absurdity, not courtroom consequences.
  • D: Japp doesn’t blame himself; he positions himself as the wronged party.
  • E: There’s no nostalgia—the passage is firmly rooted in present grievances.

4) Correct answer: C

Why C is most correct: The "queer prohibited book" is legally suppressed yet perpetuates Rosebery’s errors—a paradox. Japp’s tone suggests dark irony: the censorship (likely due to his protests) has immortalized the very mistakes he sought to correct. This aligns with his triumphant yet sarcastic claim that the book is now a "curiosity"—valuable because of the controversy, not despite it.

Why the distractors are less supported:

  • A: Japp doesn’t argue the suppression was unjust; he boasts of his legal victory.
  • B: While rarity is mentioned, the focus is on the irony of errors being preserved, not just market value.
  • D: There’s no evidence of deliberate sabotage; the prohibition seems a consequence of Japp’s protests.
  • E: This is partially true, but the key point is the paradox of censorship preserving falsehoods.

5) Correct answer: D

Why D is most correct: The "courtly ex-Moderator" is introduced to show that flattery of Rosebery extends beyond the press into religious institutions. Japp implies that even church leaders—traditionally moral authoritiespander to political power, suggesting Rosebery’s influence is systemic. This broadens the critique from media bias to institutional complicity.

Why the distractors are less supported:

  • A: The Moderator is not a new adversary; he’s an example of a broader pattern of flattery.
  • B: While flattery is a theme, the specific mention of a religious figure implies institutional reach, not just media.
  • C: Japp doesn’t contrast hypocrisy types; he’s lumping them together as part of the problem.
  • E: The focus isn’t on literary misinformation but on how power corrupts even non-political spheres.