Article #568-1 | Gutenberg Articles

Excerpt

Excerpt from The Complete Works of Brann, the Iconoclast — Volume 10, by William Cowper Brann

Mr. Low, the candidate of the "Citizens' Union," is a good man.
He is a kind man. He is a gentleman and a scholar. He is an
educator. Columbia University loves him. All through the campaign
its students will give their college yell for him with vigor and
much satisfaction to themselves. He has friends who believe in
the massive strength of their own influence. But it is to be
feared that he will be butchered to make a tiger's holiday. His
personal characteristics are all that they should be. His morals
could not be improved, but he will know more in November than he
knows now. It is to be doubted that the New York voter will rush
to the polls and plump ballots for him with the frenzied
enthusiasm of which he has been told. The New York voter is a low
animal at best, much lower than the Chicago voter, and he
enthuses only when filled with beef and beer. Tammany understands
him. Thomas C. Platt understands him. Tammany and Thomas C. Platt
are not saying a word. They are sitting still and watching the
inception of the meteoric canvass of Low.

Integrally the "Citizens' Union" is all right. The trouble lies
in the fact that it believes that no good men can come out of
Nazareth. There is but one right way, and it has that way. It is
purse-proud, bull-headed and inexperienced. It will hold daily
conferences with Mr. Low. It will fill him with vain hopes and
longings and it will send out the young men on the carts. Also it
will publish essays on the dignity of the American ballot. These
essays will be written by its own scribes, who will joy to see
themselves in print, and they will be scattered broadcast through
the city. They will serve to wrap up butter pats and as tails to
small boys kites. They will not be read, of course, for who, in
the hurly-burly of a city campaign, has time or inclination to
read tracts?

The Citizens' Union will not make a house-to-house canvass; it
will not make and keep a record of the name, business and
preference of every voter; it will not have trained proselyters
at work; it will not organize clubs; it will not descend to the
brutish level of the torchlight procession; it will not employ
the agonizing brass bands; it will not send out men on election
day whose business it is to see that every voter gets to the
polls at least once, and more times if necessary.

Explanation

**Analysis of Brann’s Excerpt from The Complete Works of Brann, the Iconoclast (Volume 10)**

William Cowper Brann (1855–1898) was a fiery, satirical journalist and social critic known for his scathing attacks on political corruption, religious hypocrisy, and social pretensions. His Iconoclast was a widely read (and often controversial) publication that combined sharp wit, moral indignation, and unapologetic cynicism. This excerpt, likely written in the late 19th century, critiques the political naivety of the "Citizens' Union," a reformist group backing Seth Low (a real historical figure, a businessman and reform mayoral candidate in New York) against the entrenched political machines like Tammany Hall.

Brann’s style here is a masterclass in satirical rhetoric, blending irony, sarcasm, hyperbole, and biting social commentary to expose what he sees as the futility of idealistic reform movements in the face of cynical, well-oiled political machines. Below is a detailed breakdown of the passage, focusing on its themes, literary devices, and significance—primarily through close reading of the text itself.

1. The Portrait of Seth Low: The Doomed Idealist

Brann begins by praising Low effusively, but with an undercurrent of tragic irony:

"Mr. Low, the candidate of the 'Citizens' Union,' is a good man. He is a kind man. He is a gentleman and a scholar. He is an educator. Columbia University loves him."

Literary Device: Irony & Faint Praise The accumulation of virtues ("good," "kind," "gentleman," "scholar") seems sincere, but the context—a brutal political race—makes it darkly comic. Brann is setting Low up as a noble but doomed figure, a lamb among wolves. The mention of Columbia University’s support (implying elite, intellectual backing) contrasts sharply with the gritty reality of New York politics, where such qualities are irrelevant.
Biblical Allusion: "Butchered to make a tiger’s holiday" This phrase (likely an allusion to the Roman practice of feeding Christians to lions) suggests that Low’s virtue will be sacrificed for the amusement of predatory political forces. The "tiger" symbolizes Tammany Hall and the political machine, which thrives on devouring idealists.
Foreshadowing: "He will know more in November than he knows now." A euphemism for defeat—Low’s impending loss will teach him the harsh truth about politics.

2. The New York Voter: A "Low Animal"

Brann’s contempt for the electorate is visceral:

"The New York voter is a low animal at best, much lower than the Chicago voter, and he enthuses only when filled with beef and beer."

Literary Device: Zoomorphism & Hyperbole Comparing voters to animals (a common trope in political satire) underscores Brann’s disdain for democratic mobs. The suggestion that they only care about beef and beer (i.e., material bribes and spectacle) implies that rational civic engagement is a fantasy.
Contrast with Political Operatives While the Citizens' Union is idealistic and ineffectual, Tammany Hall and Thomas C. Platt (a powerful Republican boss) "understand" the voter. Their silence and stillness ("sitting still and watching") is omenous—they know Low’s campaign is a fleeting spectacle ("meteoric canvass") doomed to burn out.

3. The Citizens' Union: Purse-Proud, Bull-Headed, and Inept

Brann’s real target is not Low himself but the reformist group backing him:

"Integrally the 'Citizens' Union' is all right. The trouble lies in the fact that it believes that no good men can come out of Nazareth."

Biblical Allusion: "No good men can come out of Nazareth" A reference to John 1:46 (where Nathanael scoffs at the idea of a prophet from Nazareth). Brann accuses the Citizens' Union of elitism—they believe only their kind of people (wealthy, educated reformers) can be virtuous, dismissing the possibility of grassroots political talent.
Satirical Enumeration of Their Failures Brann mockingly lists what the Citizens' Union won’t do—all the dirty, effective tactics of machine politics:
- "It will not make a house-to-house canvass"
- "It will not employ the agonizing brass bands"
- "It will not send out men on election day whose business it is to see that every voter gets to the polls at least once, and more times if necessary."
The repetition of "it will not" creates a rhythmic, almost liturgical condemnation of their political purity. Brann implies that morality in politics is a luxury—real power requires cynical pragmatism.
Mockery of Their Propaganda
"It will publish essays on the dignity of the American ballot... They will serve to wrap up butter pats and as tails to small boys' kites. They will not be read, of course."
- Literary Device: Bathos (Anti-Climax) The shift from lofty ideals ("dignity of the American ballot") to mundane uses (butter wrappers, kite tails) is brutally deflationary. Brann suggests that nobody cares about high-minded rhetoric in the chaos of an election.
- Implied Futility The Citizens' Union’s faith in reason and print is delusional in a world where spectacle and coercion win elections.

4. Themes

The Futility of Idealism in a Corrupt System
- Low is virtuous but powerless; the Citizens' Union is well-meaning but incompetent. Brann suggests that politics is a game for cynics, not moralists.
The Hypocrisy of Reform Movements
- The Citizens' Union claims moral superiority but is just as self-righteous and out of touch as the machines they oppose. Their elitism ("purse-proud") blinds them to reality.
The Brutality of Democratic Politics
- Voters are not rational citizens but beasts motivated by base instincts. Elections are not contests of ideas but spectacles of manipulation.
The Power of Political Machines
- Tammany Hall and Platt don’t need to campaign aggressively—they control the system. Their silence is more threatening than the Citizens' Union’s noisy ineffectuality.

5. Literary Devices Summary

Device	Example	Effect
Irony	Praising Low’s virtues while predicting his doom	Highlights the gap between idealism and reality
Satire	Mocking the Citizens' Union’s tactics	Exposes their naivety and hypocrisy
Hyperbole	"Low will be butchered to make a tiger’s holiday"	Dramatizes the brutality of politics
Zoomorphism	"The New York voter is a low animal"	Dehumanizes the electorate to critique democracy
Biblical Allusion	"No good men can come out of Nazareth"	Accuses reformers of elitism
Enumeration	Repeated "it will not" phrases	Creates a rhythmic indictment of their failures
Bathos	Essays on ballot dignity → used for butter wrappers	Deflates their pretensions

6. Significance & Historical Context

Gilded Age Politics: Brann writes during an era of rampant corruption, where political machines like Tammany Hall dominated through patronage, bribery, and voter manipulation. Reform movements (like the Citizens' Union) often failed because they refused to "play dirty."
Populist Cynicism: Brann’s disdain for both the elite and the masses reflects a populist distrust of democracy. He sees no real virtue in either side—just naive idealists and predatory operators.
Relevance Today: The passage resonates with modern political disillusionment—the tension between purist reformers and pragmatic operatives, the ineffectiveness of intellectual appeals, and the power of political machines (now replaced by media, lobbying, and dark money).

7. Conclusion: Brann’s Bitter Verdict

Brann’s excerpt is a masterful takedown of political idealism, arguing that in the arena of real power, morality is irrelevant unless backed by cunning and force. His sarcasm, vivid imagery, and rhetorical precision make the critique both entertaining and devastating.

The tragic irony is that Low (who did become mayor in 1902) proves Brann partially wrong—but only by adapting to machine politics himself. Brann’s broader point stands: Reformers who refuse to get their hands dirty will always lose to those who do.

In the end, Brann’s iconoclasm is not just about exposing corruption but mocking the very idea that politics can be noble. For him, the game is rigged, the players are either fools or knaves, and the spectators are beasts. It’s a bleak but darkly humorous vision—one that still feels uncomfortably true over a century later.

Questions

Question 1

The passage’s depiction of the Citizens’ Union’s campaign strategies is primarily structured to evoke which of the following rhetorical effects?

A. A tragic lament for the decline of civic virtue in modern democracy
B. A scathing parody of reformist inefficacy through accumulative negation
C. An objective comparison of grassroots versus elite political mobilization
D. A nostalgic longing for an era when political discourse was more substantive
E. A cautious endorsement of the Union’s ethical high ground despite tactical flaws

Question 2

When Brann states that the Citizens’ Union’s essays will “serve to wrap up butter pats and as tails to small boys’ kites,” the figurative language primarily serves to:

A. illustrate the material poverty of the working-class voters
B. contrast the durability of printed propaganda with oral tradition
C. underscore the utter irrelevance of intellectual appeals in a cynical electorate
D. highlight the creative repurposing of waste in urban environments
E. suggest that political literature can still reach audiences through indirect means

Question 3

The passage’s characterization of Tammany Hall and Thomas C. Platt as “sitting still and watching the inception of the meteoric canvass of Low” relies on which of the following implicit contrasts?

A. The frenetic energy of reformers versus the lethargy of the working class
B. The transparency of democratic processes versus the secrecy of backroom deals
C. The naive urgency of idealists versus the patient predation of political professionals
D. The intellectual rigor of academic endorsements versus the emotional appeals of machines
E. The financial resources of elites versus the numerical strength of immigrant voters

Question 4

Brann’s claim that “the New York voter is a low animal at best” is most effectively interpreted as:

A. a literal assessment of the biological determinants of political behavior
B. a neutral sociological observation about urban voter demographics
C. a hyperbolic but earnest call for educational reform to elevate the electorate
D. a misanthropic indictment of democratic participation as inherently base
E. an ironic compliment to the voter’s ability to resist elite manipulation

Question 5

The biblical allusion “no good men can come out of Nazareth” functions in the passage to:

A. expose the Citizens’ Union’s elitist assumption that virtue is confined to their own class
B. draw a parallel between Low’s martyrdom and the persecution of early Christian reformers
C. suggest that Low’s moral purity will ultimately redeem the corrupt political system
D. argue that political salvation requires a messianic figure untainted by partisan machinery
E. critique the Union’s failure to recognize Low’s divine right to leadership

Solutions and Explanations

1) Correct answer: B

Why B is most correct: The passage structures its critique of the Citizens’ Union through a series of negations (“it will not make a house-to-house canvass,” “it will not employ the agonizing brass bands,” etc.), creating a cumulative effect of parody. This accumulation of refusals mimics the Union’s self-righteous rejection of “brutish” tactics while exposing their tactical impotence. The rhetorical strategy is satirical negation, not lament (A), comparison (C), nostalgia (D), or endorsement (E).